October 30, 1947

Bertolt Brecht

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Brecht, will you please state your full name and

present address for the record, please? Speak into the microphone.

MR. BRECHT: My name is Bertolt Brecht. I am living at 34 West Sev-

enty-third Street, New York. I was born in Augsburg, Germany, February

10, 1898.

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Brecht, the Committee has a-

THE CHAIRMAN: What was that date again?

MR. STRIPLING: Would you give the date again?

THE CHAIRMAN: Tenth of February 1898.

MR. McDOWELL: 1898?

MR. BRECHT: 1898.

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Chairman, the Committee has here an interpreter,

if you desire the use of an interpreter.

MR. CRUM: Would you like an interpreter?

THE CHAIRMAN: Do you desire an interpreter?

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

MR. STRIPLING: Where are you employed, Mr. Baumgardt?

MR. [DAVID] BAUMGARDT [interpreter]: In the Library of Congress.

MR. BRECHT: Mr. Chairman, may I read a statement in English?

THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, but has the Chief Investigator completed his in-

vestigation of both the interpreter and the witness?

MR. STRIPLING: No, sir, I have not. What is your position in the Con-

gressional Library, Mr. Baumgardt?

MR. BAUMGARDT: Consultant of philosophy of the Library of Con-

gress.

MR. STRIPLING: Now, Mr. Brecht, will you state to the Committee

whether or not you are a citizen of the United States?

MR. BRECHT: I am not a citizen of the United States. I have only my

first papers.

MR. STRIPLING: When did you acquire your first papers?

MR. BRECHT: In 1941, when I came to the country.

MR. STRIPLING: When did you arrive in the United States?

MR. BRECHT: May I find out exactly? I arrived July 21 at San Pedro,

California.

MR. STRIPLING: July 21, 1941?

MR. BRECHT: That is right.

MR. STRIPLING: You were born in Augsburg, Bavaria, Germany, on

February 10, 1888, is that correct?

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

MR, STRIPLING: I am reading from the immigration records-

MR. CRUM: I think, Mr. Stripling, it was 1898.

MR. BRECHT: 1898.

MR. STRIPLING: I beg your pardon.

MR. CRUM: I think the witness tried to say 1898.

MR. STRIPLING: I want to know whether the immigration records are

correct on that. Is it '88 or '98?

MR. BRECHT: '98.

MR. STRIPLING: Were you issued a quota immigration visa by the

American vice-consul on May 3, 1941, at Helsinki, Finland?

MR. BRECHT: That is correct.

MR. STRIPLING: And you entered this country on that visa?

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

MR. STRIPLING: Where had you resided prior to going to Helsinki, Fin-

land?

MR. BRECHT: May I read my statement? In that statement-

THE CHAIRMAN: First, Mr. Brecht, we are trying to identify you. The

identification won't be very long.

MR. BRECHT: I had to leave Germany in 1933, in February, when Hit-

ler took power. Then I went to Denmark, but when war seemed imminent

in '39 I had to leave for Sweden, Stockholm. I remained there for one year

and then Hitler invaded Norway and Denmark. I had to leave Sweden and I

went to Finland, thereto wait for my visa for the United States.

MR. STRIPLING: Now, Mr. Brecht, what is your occupation?

MR. BRECHT: I am a playwright and a poet.

MR. STRIPLING: Where are you presently employed?

MR. BRECHT: I am not employed.

MR. STRIPLING: Were you ever employed in the motion-picture indus-

try?

MR. BRECHT: Yes. I sold a story to a Hollywood firm, Hangmen Also

Die, but I did not write the screenplay myself. I am not a professional

screenplay writer. I wrote another story for a Hollywood firm but that story

was not produced.

MR. STRIPLING: Hangmen Also Die-whom did you sell to, what

studio?

MR. BRECHT: That was to, I think, an independent firm, Pressburger at

United Artists.

MR. STRIPLING: When did you sell the play to United Artists?

MR. BRECHT: The story-I don't remember exactly, maybe around '43

or '44-I don't remember, quite.

MR. STRIPLING: And what other studios have you sold material to?

MR. BRECHT: No other studio. Besides the last story I spoke of, I wrote

for Enterprise Studios.

MR. STRIPLING: Are you familiar with Hanns Eisler? Do you know Jo-

hannes Eisler?

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

MR. STRIPLING: How long have you known Johannes Eisler?

MR. BRECHT: I think since the middle of the twenties, twenty years or

so.

MR. STRIPLING: Have you collaborated with him on a number of

works?

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Brecht, are you a member of the Communist

Party or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party?

MR. BRECHT: May I read my statement? I will answer this question,

but may I read my statement?

MR. STRIPLING: Would you submit your statement to the Chairman?

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

THE CHAIRMAN: All right, let's see the statement.

(Mr. Brecht hands the statement to the Chairman.)

THE CHAIRMAN: Mr. Brecht, the Committee has carefully gone over the

statement. It is a very interesting story of German life, but it is not at all

pertinent to this inquiry. Therefore, we do not care to have you read the

statement.

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Brecht, before we go on with the questions, I

would like to put into the record the subpoena which was served upon you

on September 19, calling for your appearance before the Committee. You

are here in response to a subpoena, are you not?

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

MR. STRIPLING: Now, I will repeat the original question. Are you now

or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party of any country?

MR. BRECHT: Mr. Chairman, I have heard my colleagues when they

considered this question not as proper, but I am a guest in this country and

do not want to enter into any legal arguments, so I will answer your ques-

tion fully as well I can. I was not a member, or am not a member, of any

Communist Party.

THE CHAIRMAN: Your answer is, then, that you have never been a

member of the Communist Party?

MR. BRECHT: That is correct.

MR. STRIPLING: You were not a member of the Communist Party in

Germany?

MR. BRECHT: No, I was not.

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Brecht, is it true that you have written a number

of very revolutionary poems, plays, and other writings?

MR. BRECHT: I have written a number of poems and songs and plays in

the fight against Hitler and, of course, they can be considered, therefore, as

revolutionary because I, of course, was for the overthrow of that govern-

ment.

THE CHAIRMAN: Mr. Stripling, we are not interested in any works that

he might have written advocating the overthrow of Germany or the govern-

ment there.

MR. STRIPLING: Yes, I understand. Well, from an examination of the

works which Mr. Brecht has written, particularly in collaboration with Mr.

Hanns Eisler, he seems to be a person of international importance to the

Communist revolutionary movement. Now, Mr. Brecht, is it true you have

written articles which have appeared in publications in the Soviet zone of

Germany within the past few months?

MR. BRECHT: I do not remember to have written such articles. I have

not seen any of them printed. I have not written any such articles just now.

I write very few articles, if any.

MR. STRIPLING: I have here, Mr. Chairman, a document which I will

hand to the translator and ask him to identify it.

MR. BRECHT: May I explain this publication?

MR. STRIPLING: Yes. Will you identify the publication?

MR. BRECHT: Oh, yes. That is not an article, that is a scene out of a

play I wrote in, I think, 1937 or 1938 in Denmark. The play is called

Private Life of the Master Race, and this scene is one of the scenes out of

this play about a Jewish woman in Berlin in the year of '36 or '37. It was, I

see, printed in this magazine Ost und West, July 1946.

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Translator, would you translate the frontispiece of

the magazine, please?

MR. BAUMGARDT: "East and West, Contributions to Cultural and Polit-

ical Questions of the Time, edited by Alfred Kantorowicz, Berlin, July

1947, first year of publication enterprise."

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Brecht, do you know the gentleman who is the

editor of the publication whose name was just read?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, I know him from Berlin and I met him in New York

again.

MR. STRIPLING: Do you know him to be a member of the Communist

Party of Germany?

MR. BRECHT: When I met him in Germany I think he was a journalist

on the Ullstein Press. That is not a Communist-was not a Communist-

there were no Communist Party papers, so I do not know exactly whether

he was a member of the Communist Party of Germany.

MR. STRIPLING: You don't know whether he was a member of the

Communist Party or not?

MR. BRECHT: I don't know, no; I don't know.

MR. STRIPLING: In 1930 did you, with Hanns Eisler, write a play enti-

tied, Die Massnahme?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, yes.

MR. STRIPLING: Would you explain to the Committee the theme of that

play-what it dealt with?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, I will try to.

MR. STRIPLING: First, explain what the title means.

MR. BRECHT: Die Massnahme means (speaking in German).

MR. BAUMGARDT: Measures to be taken, or steps to be taken-meas-

ures.

MR. STRIPLING: Could it mean disciplinary measures?

MR. BAUMGARDT: No, not disciplinary measures, no. It means meas-

ures to be taken.

MR. STRIPLING: All right. You tell the Committee now, Mr. Brecht,

what this play dealt with.

MR. BRECHT: Yes. This play is the adaptation of an old religious Japa-

nese play, called [a] Noh play, and follows quite closely this old story which

shows the devotion for an ideal until death.

MR. STRIPLING: What was that ideal, Mr. Brecht?

MR. BRECHT: The idea in the old play was a religious idea. This young

people-

MR. STRIPLING: Didn't it have to do with the Communist Party?

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

MR. STRIPLING: And discipline within the Communist Party?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, yes, it is a new play, an adaptation. It had as a

background the Russia-China of the years 1918 or 1919, or so. There some

Communist agitators went to a sort of no man's land between the Russia

which then was not a state and had no real-

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Brecht, may I interrupt you? Would you consider

the play to be pro-Communist or anti-Communist, or would it take a neu-

tral position regarding Communists?

MR. BRECHT: No, I would say-you see, literature has the right and

the duty to give to the public the ideas of the time. Now, in this play-of

course, I wrote about twenty plays-but in this play I tried to express the

feelings and the ideas of the German workers who then fought against Hit-

ler. I also formulated in an artistic-

MR. STRIPLING: Fighting against Hitler, did you say?

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

MR. STRIPLING: Written in 1930?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, yes. Oh, yes, that fight started in 1923.

MR. STRIPLING: You say it is about China, though. It has nothing to do

with Germany?

MR. BRECHT: No, it had nothing to do about it.

MR. STRIPLING: Let me read this to you.

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

MR. STRIPLING: Throughout the play reference is made to the theories

and teachings of Lenin, the ABC of Communism, and other Communist

classics, and the activities of the Chinese Communist Party in general. The

following are excerpts from the play.

Now, Mr. Brecht, will you tell the Committee whether or not one of

the characters in this play was murdered by his comrade because it was in

the best interest of the Communist Party, is that true?

MR. BRECHT: No, it is not quite according to the story.

MR. STRIPLING: Because he would not bow to discipline he was mur-

dered by his comrades, isn't that true?

MR. BRECHT: No, it is not really in it. You will find, when you read it

carefully, like in the old Japanese play where other ideas were at stake, this

young man who died was convinced that he had done damage to the mis-

sion he believed in and he agreed to that and he was about ready to die, in

order not to make greater such damage. So he asks his comrades to help

him, and all of them together help him to die. He jumps into an abyss and

they lead him tenderly to that abyss. And that is the story.

THE CHAIRMAN: I gather from your remarks, from your answer, that he

was just killed, he was not murdered?

MR. BRECHT: He wanted to die.

THE CHAIRMAN: So they kill him?

MR. BRECHT: No, they did not kill him-not in this story. He killed

himself. They supported him, but of course they had told him it were better

when he disappeared, for him and them and the cause he also believed in.

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Brecht, could you tell the Committee how many

times you have been to Moscow?

MR. BRECHT: Yes. I was invited to Moscow two times.

MR. STRIPLING: Who invited you?

MR. BRECHT: The first time I was invited by the Voks Organization for

Cultural Exchange [Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign

Countries]. I was invited to show a picture, a documentary picture I had

helped to make in Berlin.

MR. STRIPLING: What was the name of that picture?

MR. BRECHT: The name-it is the name of a suburb of Berlin, Kuhle

Wampe.

MR. STRIPLING: While you were in Moscow, did you meet Sergei

Tretyakov?

MR. BRECHT: Tretyakov, yes. That is a Russian playwright.

MR. STRIPLING: A writer?

MR. BRECHT: Yes. He translated some of my poems and, I think, one

play.

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Chairman, International Literature No.5, 1937,

published by the State Literary Art Publishing House in Moscow had an

article by Sergei Tretyakov, leading Soviet writer, on an interview he had

with Mr. Brecht. On page 60, it states:

"I was a member of the Augsburg Revolutionary Committee," Brecht con-

tinued. "Nearby, in Munich, Levine raised the banner of Soviet power. Augs-

burg lived in the reflected glow of Munich. The hospital was the only military

unit in the town. It elected me to the revolutionary committee. I still remem-

ber Georg Brem and the Polish Bolshevik Olshevsky. We did not boast a

single Red guardsman. We didn't have time to issue a single decree or nation-

alize a single bank or close a church. In two days General Epp's troops came

to town on their way to Munich. One of the members of the revolutionary

committee hid at my house until he managed to escape."

He wrote Drums at Night. This work contained echoes of the revolution.

The drums of revolt persistently summon the man who has gone home. But

the man prefers quiet peace of his hearthside.

The work was a scathing satire on those who had deserted the revolution

and toasted themselves at their fireplaces. One should recall that Kapp

launched his drive on Christmas Eve, calculating that many Red guardsmen

would have left their detachments for the family Christmas trees.

His play, Die Massnahme, the first of Brecht's plays on a Communist

theme, is arranged like a court where the characters try to justify themselves

for having killed a comrade, and judges, who at the same time represent the

audience, summarize the events and reach a verdict.

When he visited in Moscow in 1932, Brecht told me his plan to organize a

theater in Berlin which would re-enact the most interesting court trials in the

history of mankind.

Brecht conceived the idea of writing a play about the terrorist tricks re-

sorted to by the landowners in order to peg the price of grain. But this re-

quires a knowledge of economics. The study of economics brought Brecht to

Marx and Lenin, whose works became an invaluable part of his library.

Brecht studies and quotes Lenin as a great thinker and as a great master of

prose.

The traditional drama portrays the struggle of class instincts. Brecht de-

mands that the struggle of class instincts be replaced by the struggle of social

consciousness, of social convictions. He maintains that the situation must not

only be felt, but explained-crystallized into the idea which will overturn the

world.

Do you recall that interview, Mr. Brecht?

MR. BRECHT: No. (Laughter.) It must have been written twenty years

ago or so.

MR. STRIPLING: I will show you the magazine, Mr. Brecht.

MR. BRECHT: Yes. I do not recall there was an interview. (Book

handed to the witness.) I do not recall-Mr. Stripling, I do not recall the

interview in exact. ...I think it is a more or less journalistic summary of

talks or discussions about many things.

MR. STRIPLING: Yes. Have many of your writings been based upon the

philosophy of Lenin and Marx?

MR. BRECHT: No, I don't think that is quite correct, but, of course, I

studied, had to study as a playwright who wrote historical plays, I, of

course, had to study Marx's ideas about history. I do not think intelligent

plays today can be written without such study. Also, history written now is

vitally influenced by the studies of Marx about history.

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Brecht, since you have been in the United States,

have you attended any Communist Party meetings?

MR. BRECHT: No, I don't think so.

MR. STRIPLING: You don't think so?

MR. BRECHT: No.

THE CHAIRMAN: Well, aren't you certain?

MR. BRECHT: No-I am certain, yes.

THE CHAIRMAN: You are certain you have never been to Communist

Party meetings?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, I think so. I am here six years-I am here those-I

do not think so. I do not think that I attended political meetings.

THE CHAIRMAN: No, never mind the political meetings, but have you

attended any Communist meetings in the United States?

MR. BRECHT: I do not think so, no.

THE CHAIRMAN: You are certain?

MR. BRECHT: I think I am certain.

THE CHAIRMAN: You think you are certain?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, I have not attended such meetings, in my opinion.

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Brecht, have you, since you have been in the

United States, have you met with any officials of the Soviet government?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, yes. In Hollywood I was invited, sometimes, three

or four times, to the Soviet consulate with, of course, many other writers.

MR. STRIPLING: What others?

MR. BRECHT: With other writers and artists and actors who. ..they

gave some receptions at special Soviet (speaking in German)-

MR. BAUMGARDT: Festivities.

MR. BRECHT: Festivities.

MR. STRIPLING: Did any of the officials of the Soviet government ever

come and visit you?

MR. BRECHT: I don't think so.

MR. STRIPLING: Didn't Gregory Kheifets visit you on April 14, 1943,

vice-consul of the Soviet government? You know Gregory Kheifets, don't

you?

MR. BRECHT: Gregory Kheifets?

THE CHAIRMAN: Watch out on this one.

MR. BRECHT: I don't remember that name, but I might know him, yes.

I don't remember-

MR. STRIPLING: Did he come and visit you on April 14, 1943?

MR. BRECHT: It is quite possible.

MR. STRIPLING: And again on April 27, and again on June 16, 1944?

MR. BRECHT: That is quite possible, yes, that somebody-I don't

know. I don't remember the name, but that somebody, some of the cultural

attaches-

MR. STRIPLING: Cultural attaches.

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

THE CHAIRMAN: Spell the name.

MR. STRIPLING: Gregory, G-r-e-g-o-r-y. Kheifets, K-h-e-i-f-e-t-s.

MR. BRECHT: Kheifets?

MR. STRIPLING: Yes. Do you remember Mr. Kheifets?

MR. BRECHT: I don't remember the name, but it is quite possible. But I

remember that from the-I think from the-yes, from the consulate, from

the Russian consulate some people visited me, but not only this man, but

also I think the consul once, but I don't remember his name either.

MR. STRIPLING: What was the nature of his business?

MR. BRECHT: He-it must have been about my literary connections

with German writers. Some of them are friends of mine.

MR. STRIPLING: German writers?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, in Moscow.

MR. STRIPLING: In Moscow?

MR. BRECHT: Yes. And there appeared in the Staats Verlag [State pub-

lishing house] the Sergei Tretyakov translations of my plays, for instance,

Private Life of the Master Race, A Penny for the Poor, and poems, and so

on.

MR. STRIPLING: Did Gerhart Eisler ever visit you, not Hanns, but Ger-

hart?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, I met Gerhart Eisler, too. He is a brother of Hanns

and he visited me with Hanns and then three or four times without

Hanns.

MR. STRIPLING: Could you tell us in what year he visited you? Wasn't

it the same year that Mr. Kheifets visited you?

MR. BRECHT: I do not know, but there is no connection I can see.

MR. STRIPLING: Do you recall him visiting you on January 17, 1944?

MR. BRECHT: No, I do not recall such date, but he might have visited

me on such date.

MR. STRIPLING: Where did he visit you?

MR. BRECHT: He used to ask for his brother who, as I told you, is an

old friend of mine, and we played some games of chess, too, and we spoke

about politics.

MR. STRIPLING: About politics?

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

THE CHAIRMAN: What was the last answer? I didn't get the last answer?

MR. STRIPLING: They spoke about politics. In any of your conversa-

tions with Gerhart Eisler did you discuss the German Communist move-

ment?

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

MR. STRIPLING: In Germany?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, we spoke about, of course, German politics. He is a

specialist in that, he is a politician.

MR. STRIPLING: He is a politician?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, he, of course, knew very much more than I knew

about the situation in Germany.

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Brecht, can you tell the Committee, when you

entered this country did you make a statement to the Immigration Service

concerning your past affiliations?

MR. BRECHT: I don't remember to have made such a statement, but I

think I made the usual statements that I did not want to, or did not intend

to, overthrow the American Government. I might have been asked whether

I belonged to the Communist Party, I don't remember to have been asked,

but I would have answered what I have told you, that I was not.

MR. STRIPLING: Did they ask you whether or not you had ever been a

member of the Communist Party?

MR. BRECHT: I don't remember.

MR. STRIPLING: Did they ask you whether or not you had ever been to

the Soviet?

MR. BRECHT: I think they asked me, yes, and I told them.

MR. STRIPLING: Did they question you about your writings?

MR. BRECHT: No, not as I remember; no, they did not. I don't remem-

ber any discussion about literature.

MR. STRIPLING: Now, you stated you sold the book, the story, Hang-

men Also Die, to United Artists. Is that correct?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, to an independent firm, yes.

MR. STRIPLING: Did Hanns Eisler do the background music for Hang-

men Also Die?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, he did.

MR. STRIPLING: Do you recall who starred in that picture?

MR. BRECHT: No, I do not.

MR. STRIPLING: You don't even remember who played the leading role

in the picture?

MR. BRECHT: I think Brian Donlevy played it.

MR. STRIPLING: Do you remember any of the other actors or actresses

who were in it?

MR. BRECHT: No, I do not. You see, I had not very much to do with

the filmization itself. I wrote the story and then [gave] to the script writers

some advice about the background of Nazis, Nazism in Czechoslovakia, so

I had nothing to do with the actors.

THE CHAIRMAN: Mr. Stripling, can we hurry this along? We have a very

heavy schedule this afternoon.

MR. STRIPLING: Yes. Now, Mr. Brecht, since you have been in the

United States have you contributed articles to any Communist publications

in the United States?

MR. BRECHT: I don't think so, no.

MR. STRIPLING: Are you familiar with the magazine New Masses?

MR. BRECHT: No.

MR. STRIPLING: You never heard of it?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, of course.

MR. STRIPLING: Did you ever contribute anything to it?

MR. BRECHT: No.

MR. STRIPLING: Did they ever publish any of your work?

MR. BRECHT: That I do not know. They might have published some

translation of a poem, but I had no direct connection with it, nor did I send

them anything.

MR. STRIPLING: Did you collaborate with Hanns Eisler on the song "In

Praise of Learning"?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, I collaborated. I wrote that song, and he only wrote

the music.

MR. STRIPLING: Would you recite to the Committee the words of that

song?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, I would. May I point out, that song comes from

another adaptation I made, of Gorky's play, Mother. In this song a Russian

worker woman addresses all the poor people.

MR. STRIPLING: It was produced in this country, wasn't it?

MR. BRECHT: Yes, '35, New York.

MR. STRIPLING: Now, I will read the words and ask you if this is the

one.

MR. BRECHT: Please.

MR. STRIPLING: [reads the eight lines of verse printed on page 94.]

MR. BRECHT: No, excuse me, that is the wrong translation. That is not

right. ( Laughter.) Just one second, and I will give you the correct text.

MR. STRIPLING: That is not a correct translation?

MR. BRECHT: That is not correct, no. That is not the meaning. It is not

very beautiful, but I am not speaking about that.

MR. STRIPLING: What does it mean? I have here a portion of The

People, which was issued by the Communist Party of the United States,

published by the Workers' Library Publishers. Page 24 says: "In praise of

learning”, by Bert Brecht; music by Hanns Eisler." It says here:

You must be ready to take over; men on the dole, learn it; men in the prisons,

learn it; women in the kitchen, learn it; men of sixty-five, learn it. You must

be ready to take over-

MR. BAUMGARDT: The correct translation would be, "You must take

the lead."

THE CHAIRMAN: "You must take the lead"?

MR. BAUMGARDT: "The lead." It definitely says, "the lead." It is not,

"You must take over." The translation is not a literal translation of the

German.

MR. STRIPLING: Well, Mr. Brecht, as it has been published in these

publications of the Communist Party, then, if that is incorrect, what did you

mean?

MR. BRECHT: I don't remember, never-I never got that book myself. I

must not have been in the country when it was published. I think it was

published as a song, one of the songs Eisler had written the music to. I did

not give any permission to publish it. I don't see-I think I have never saw

the translation.

MR. STRIPLING: Do you have the words there before you?

MR. BRECHT: In German, yes.

MR. STRIPLING: It goes on:

You must be ready to take over; you must be ready to take over.

Don't hesitate to ask questions, comrade-

MR. BRECHT: Why not let him translate from the German, word for

word?

MR. BAUMGARDT: I think you are mainly interested in this translation,

which comes from-

THE CHAIRMAN: I cannot understand the interpreter any more than I

can the witness.

MR. BAUMGARDT: Mr. Chairman, I apologize. I shall make use of this

[the microphone].

THE CHAIRMAN: Just speak in that microphone and maybe we can

make out.

MR. BAUMGARDT: The last line of all three verses is correctly to be

translated: "You must take over the lead," and not, "You must take over."

"You must take the lead," would be the best, most correct, most accurate

translation.

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Brecht, did you ever make application to join the

Communist Party?

MR. BRECHT: I do not understand the question. Did I make-

MR. STRIPLING: Have you ever made application to join the Commu-

nist Party?

MR. BRECHT: No, no, no, no, no, never.

MR. STRIPLING: Mr. Chairman, we have here-

MR. BRECHT: I was an independent writer and wanted to be an inde-

pendent writer and I point that out, and also theoretically, I think, it was

the best for me not to join any party whatever. And all these things you

read here were not only written for the German Communists, but they were

also written for workers of any other kind. Social Democrat workers were

in these performances; so were Catholic workers from Catholic unions; so

were workers which never had been in a party or didn't want to go into a

party.

THE CHAIRMAN: Mr. Brecht, did Gerhart Eisler ever ask you to join the

Communist Party?

MR. BRECHT: No, no.

THE CHAIRMAN: Did Hanns Eisler ever ask you to join the Communist

Party?

MR. BRECHT: No, he did not. I think they considered me just as a

writer who wanted to write and do as he saw it but not as a political figure.

THE CHAIRMAN: Do you recall anyone ever having asked you to join

the Communist Party?

MR. BRECHT: Some people might have suggested it to me, but then I

found out that it was not my business.

THE CHAIRMAN: Who were those people who asked you to join the

Communist Party?

MR. BRECHT: Oh, readers.

THE CHAIRMAN: Who?

MR. BRECHT: Readers of my poems or people from the audiences. You

mean-there was never an official approach to me to publish-

THE CHAIRMAN: Some people did ask you to join the Communist Party.

MR. KENNY: In Germany. (Aside to witness.)

MR. BRECHT: In Germany, you mean in Germany?

THE CHAIRMAN: No, I mean in the United States.

MR. BRECHT: No, no, no.

THE CHAIRMAN (to Mr. Kenny): He is doing all right. He is doing much

better than many other witnesses you have brought here. Do you recall

whether anyone in the United States ever asked you to join the Communist

Party?

MR. BRECHT: No, I don't.

MR. STRIPLING: I would like to ask Mr. Brecht whether or not he wrote

a poem-a song, rather-entitled, "Forward, We've Not Forgotten."

MR. McDOWELL: "Forward" what?

MR. STRIPLING: "Forward, We've Not Forgotten."

MR. BRECHT: I can't think of that. The English title may be the rea-

son.

MR. STRIPLING: Would you translate it for him into German?

(Mr. Baumgardt translates into German.)

MR. BRECHT: Oh, now I know, yes.

MR. STRIPLING: You are familiar with the words to that?

MR. BRECHT: Yes.

MR. STRIPLING:

Forward, we've not forgotten our strength in the fights we've won.

No matter what may threaten, forward, not forgotten, how strong we

are as one.

Only these our hands now acting, built the road, the walls, the towers.

All the world is of our making.

What of it can we call ours?

The refrain:

Forward. March on to the tower, through the city, by land the world;

Forward. Advance it on. Just whose city is the city? Just whose world

is the world?

Forward, we've not forgotten our union in hunger and pain, no matter

what may threaten, forward, we've not forgotten

We have a world to gain. We shall free the world of shadow; every

shop and every room, every road and every meadow,

All the world will be our own.

Did you write that, Mr. Brecht?

MR. BRECHT: No. I wrote a German poem, but that is very different

from this. (Laughter.)

MR. STRIPLING: That is all the questions I have, Mr. Chairman.

THE CHAIRMAN: Thank you very much, Mr. Brecht. You are a good

example to the witnesses of Mr. Kenny and Mr. Crum.

 

The Unread Statement

 

For the record, this is reprinted here exactly as given in Hollywood

on Trial by Gordon Kahn. In the album Brecht Before the Un-Amer-

ican Activities Committee (Folkways, FD 5531) , a lightly edited ver-

sion of the same text is used. The original German was not published

until the collected works came out in German in 1967. From which it

would seem that the original (anonymous) translator had made some

mistakes. For example, the last sentence should read: "Art can make

such ideas clearer and even nobler." But it would also seem that the

editors of the German edition have made at least one deletion-of the

sentence: "We applied for American citizenship (first papers) on the

day after Pearl Harbor."

I was born in Augsburg, Germany, the son of an industrialist, and

studied natural sciences and philosophy at the universities of Munich and

Berlin. At the age of twenty, when participating in the war as a member of

the medical corps, I wrote a ballad which the Hitler government used fifteen

years later as the reason for my expatriation. The poem Der tote Soldat

(The Dead Soldier) attacked the war and those wanting to prolong it.

I became a playwright. For a time, Germany seemed to be on the path of

democracy. There was freedom of speech and of artistic expression.

In the second half of the 1920's, however, the old reactionary militarist

forces began to regain strength.

I was then at the height of my career as a playwright, my play Dreigro-

schenoper being produced allover Europe. There were productions of plays

of mine at Berlin, Munich, Paris, Vienna, Tokyo, Prague, Milan, Copenha-

gen, Stockholm, Budapest, Warsaw, Helsinki, Moscow, Oslo, Amsterdam,

Zurich, Bucharest, Sofia, Brussels, London, New York, Rio de Janeiro, etc.

But in Germany voices could already be heard demanding that free artistic

expression and free speech should be silenced. Humanist, socialist, even

Christian ideas were called "undeutsch" (un-German), a word which I

hardly can think of without Hitler's wolfish intonation. At the same time,

the cultural and political institutions of the people were violently attacked.

The Weimar Republic, whatever its faults had been, had a powerful slo-

gan, accepted by the best writers and all kinds of artists: Die Kunst dem

Volke (Art Belongs to the People). The German workers, their interest in

art and literature being very great indeed, formed a highly important part of

the general public of readers and theatre-goers. Their sufferings in a deva-

stating depression which more and more threatened their cultural stand-

ards, the impudence and growing power of the old militarist, feudal,

imperialist gang alarmed us. I started writing some poems, songs and plays

reflecting the feelings of the people and attacking their enemies who now

openly marched under the swastika of Adolf Hitler.

The persecutions in the field of culture increased gradually. Famous

painters, publishers and distinguished magazine editors were persecuted. At

the universities, political witch hunts were staged, and campaigns were

waged against motion pictures such as All Quiet on the Western Front.

These, of course, were only preparations for more drastic measures still

to come. When Hitler seized power, painters were forbidden to paint, pub-

lishing houses and film studios were taken over by the Nazi party. But even

these strokes against the cultural life of the German people were only the

beginning. They were designed and executed as a spiritual preparation for

total war which is the total enemy of culture. The war finished it all up. The

German people now have to live without roofs over their heads, without

sufficient nourishment, without soap, without the very foundations of cul-

ture.

At the beginning, only a very few people were capable of seeing the con-

nection between the reactionary restrictions in the field of culture and the

ultimate assaults upon the physical life of a people itself. The efforts of the

democratic, anti-militarist forces, of which those in the cultural field were,

of course, only a modest part, then proved to be weak altogether; Hitler

took over. I had to leave Germany in February, 1933, the day after the

Reichstag fire. A veritable exodus of writers and artists began of a kind

such as the world had never seen before. ...I settled down in Denmark

and dedicated my total literary production from that time on to the fight

against Nazism, writing plays and poetry.

Some poems were smuggled into the Third Reich, and Danish Nazism,

supported by Hitler's embassy, soon began to demand my deportation. Of

course, the Danish government refused. But in 1939 when war seemed im-

minent, I left with my family for Sweden, invited by Swedish senators and

the Lord Mayor of Stockholm. I could remain only one year. Hitler invaded

Denmark and Norway.

We continued our flight northward, to Finland, there to wait for immigra-

tion visas to the U.S.A. Hitler's troops followed. Finland was full of Nazi

divisions when we left for the United States in 1941. We crossed the

U.S.S.R. by the Siberian Express which carried German, Austrian, Czecho-

slovakian refugees. Ten days after our leaving Vladivostok aboard a Swed-

ish ship, Hitler invaded the U.S.S.R. During the voyage, the ship loaded

copra in Manila. Some months later, Hitler's allies invaded that island. We

applied for American citizenship (first papers) on the day after Pearl

Harbor.

I suppose that some poems and plays of mine, written during this period

of the fight against Hitler, have moved the Un-American Activities Com-

mittee to subpoena me.

My activities, even those against Hitler, have always been purely literary

activities of a strictly independent nature. As a guest of the United States, I

refrained from political activities concerning this country even in a literary

form. By the way, I am not a screen writer. Hollywood used only one story

of mine, for a picture showing the Nazi savageries in Prague. I am not

aware of any influence which I could have exercised in the movie industry

whether political or artistic.

Being called before the Un-American Activities Committee, however, I

feel free for the first time to say a few words about American matters:

looking back at my experiences as a playwright and a poet in the Europe of

the last two decades, I wish to say that the great American people would

lose much and risk much if they allowed anybody to restrict free competi-

tion of ideas in cultural fields, or to interfere with art which must be free in

order to be art. We are living in a dangerous world. Our state of civilization

is such that mankind already is capable of becoming enormously wealthy

but, as a whole, is still poverty-ridden. Great wars have been suffered,

greater ones are imminent, we are told. One of them might well wipe out

mankind, as a whole. We might be the last generation of the specimen

[species?] man on this earth.

The ideas about how to make use of the new capabilities of production

have not been developed much since the days when the horse had to do

what man could not do. Do you not think that, in such a predicament, every

new idea should be examined carefully and freely? Art can present clearly

and even make nobler such ideas.

(1947)

"We Nineteen"

From the United States we receive the almost incredible news that some

of their best writers will now be sent to jail. Since I sat next to them on the

defendants' bench in Washington two and a half years ago, I can report

it-I'm told that some of the people who have seen my plays do not con-

sider me a liar. What saved me then was not that no un-American activities

could be proved in my case-they could not be proved against those who

are now going to prison either-but rather that I was not an American.

They had called us nineteen, writers, film directors, actors, to Washington

before a Congressional Committee to ask us if we were members of the

Communist Party. At the time, two years after the war, the artists in the big

film studios of Hollywood had been told to make movies that were against

America's wartime ally, the Soviet Union. The industry had set aside large

sums for this purpose, and several scripts had been commissioned.

Strangely, they did not materialize. The good script writers would not; the

poor ones could not. Not all good script writers were progressive, but the

population was not yet ready to see the heroes of Stalingrad abused: they

had saved America from making so many sacrifices. It [the population]

had to be worked on first. An example had to be set, and every refusal to

obey orders from on high had to be publicly punished. This was the reason

why a number of artists were to be publicly queried as to whether they were

members of the Communist Party.

For such membership no prison term or fine had been fixed; the Party

was not illegal at the time. However, there were punishments in that coun-

try which appear much more harmless but aren't. The State does not put in

an appearance but the execution does take place. One could call it Cold

Execution-a certain form of peace is called Cold War there. This Cold

Execution is carried out by the industry: the delinquent is not deprived of

his life, only of the means of life. He does not appear in the obituary col-

umn, only on the blacklists. Whoever has witnessed the horrors of poverty

and humiliation which, in the land of the dollar, fall upon the man without

a dollar, will not prefer the punishment of unemployment to any punish-

ment that the State could inflict. In our case, incidentally, the State collabo-

rated with the industry: it played the role of the snooper. It asked the sus-

pects under oath about their party membership. Now the Constitution of

the United States of America was written at a time when the goddess of

freedom had oil in her lamp, not in her face. Thus the Constitution forbade

the newly founded State to be the snooper for the powerful and rich: no one

could be asked about his religion, opinions, and party membership. The

writers, directors, and actors had recourse to this clause when the Congres-

sional Committee examined them under oath. They refused to answer. And

one has to know that by no means all of them were members of the Com-

munist Party. Most of them were not, and, had they answered, could have

made replies that would not have harmed them; they refused to answer only

because they wanted to see the Constitution respected. What thereupon

happened was bad for them, but even worse for their country. Signifying

their respect for the Constitution, they were sentenced to jail terms for con-

tempt of Congress. I myself escaped being sentenced because, as a non-

American, I had to answer the question; I was not protected by the Consti-

tution. My American colleagues were protected by the Constitution; it was

the Constitution that was not protected. In fact, they realized that they were

exposing themselves to danger by relying on their Constitution. But they did

not heed that danger; they were trying to tell the country that it was in

danger. These fearless people called out to the judges of their country,

"Show everyone who you are! Take up a club and smash the innocent,

before the eyes of all! So that you can deceive no one any longer." Well, the

judges took up the club and smashed the innocent, before the eyes of all.

And what have we learned? We have learned what that "justice" is. We

have also learned that there are people ready to sacrifice themselves so that

their countrymen as well as the rest of the world may learn the truth. Salud,

my friends!

(1950)

(Translated by Hugo Schmidt, 1970)